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Glasgow archive/Glasgow Name Study
Catalogue · 27 Sep 2026
Project and methods

Glasgow Name Study

A maintained local edition of the research, with the original sources and assessments.

Glasgow Name Study: project home · research directory · digital workbench

Introduction

The Glasgow Name Study traces the Glasgow surname and its historical forms through records, reconstructed families and Y-DNA. Its story begins with medieval people described as de Glasgu—“of” or “from Glasgow”—and continues through the burghs and countryside of Lowland Scotland, established households in Ulster and families around the world.

The records reach much further back than any proved pedigree. Medieval merchants, churchmen, royal officials and property witnesses can be identified, but their relationships are mostly unknown. Sixteenth-century deeds, burgess admissions and testaments begin to name spouses, children and heirs, allowing the first secure Glasgow families to be reconstructed.

The historical search includes de Glasgu, de Glascu, de Glasgw, Glasgow, Glasgw, Glaskow, Glascho and closely comparable forms when the underlying record uses them for a person. These are record spellings, not proof that every bearer shared one origin. A locative could be acquired independently by people associated with the city, and a scribe's spelling could change between records. Glassford, Glasford, Glasfurd and Glasfuird are treated as a distinct surname family unless a primary record proves a bridge; MacCluskey and Glasscock are likewise not automatic Glasgow variants. The documented change from Glasgow to Glass in one man's life is evidence for that individual, not a rule for merging the surnames generally.

How the surviving evidence changes over time
Medieval charters and institutional rolls preserve people when they witnessed property, entered a guild, served a church or acted for the Crown. They are unusually good at showing activity and mobility, but usually poor at showing a household. A run of isolated names therefore reflects the kind of record that survived as well as the state of the surname.

Sixteenth-century protocols, sasines, rentals, burgess admissions and testaments record possession, succession, marriage, debt and legal responsibility. They begin to expose spouses, parents, children, siblings and in-laws. The first reconstructable pedigree appears partly because the records have changed—not because Glasgow families suddenly came into existence.

Hearth-money and religious returns enumerate liable householders or household heads. They can prove that several households existed in one district, but not that their occupants were brothers or that everyone in the home was listed. Parish registers, wills, deeds and litigation can supply the explicit relationships those lists lack. Y-DNA can prove biological paternal affinity between tested lines; it cannot name the historical common ancestor without a documented pedigree.
Current conclusion
Personal de Glasgu usage is documented from the late twelfth century, and recognisable surname forms occur before 1500. The earliest directly proved multi-generation Glasgow burgh family begins with William Glasgow and Esbell Brade, whose son John Glasgow is explicitly named in 1534. Strong same-title succession makes the John who held the Saltmarket property in 1527 William's probable father; the 1506 John de Glasgow alias Smith is only a possible earlier occurrence of that man. Repeated adjoining-property, fisher, witness and Herbesoun links make Robert and Archibald William's probable sons and John's probable brothers, and Isobella William's probable daughter and John's probable sister; only John is expressly called William's son. John's son William is confidently identified with William, husband of Margaret Herbesoun, whose son George and children carry the documented line into the seventeenth century. The Corsinkell group is probably part of the same wider west-coast family, though its bridge to the burgh pedigree remains unproved; the Calder connection is weaker. No record yet joins any of these families to a named medieval bearer.

Evidence key: ✅ documented by the stated record · 🟡 probable reconstruction · ⚠️ possible or traditional · ❌ contradicted or unsupported.

Start here Direct route What it contains
🏰 Before 1500 Medieval bearer register One page for every distinct bearer, with readings, dates and identity cautions.
🌿 Early Scotland Scottish branches, c.1447–1650 The proved and probable burgh family, with the less securely connected Ayrshire, Lothian and Border groups.
🍀 Ireland Early Irish branches Documentary locality groups, reconstructed households and migration questions.
🧬 DNA Glasgow DNA · R-FT25406 Tested paternal branches, estimates and the documentary limits of genetic evidence.
🔎 Find anything Complete research directory · catalogue Every specialist page and a searchable index of people, records and places.

On this page: timeline · medieval origins · first families · regional Scotland · Ulster · worldwide families · DNA · open questions

Synthesis reviewed 7 September 2026. Genetic estimates are dated working results and may change as more men test.

The history at a glance

Period What the records reveal Evidence position
c.1175–1400 People using de Glasgu appear in Glasgow, Dublin, church institutions and royal administration. Personal use is documented; a continuous pedigree is not.
1447–1506 Repeated surname forms occur in Glasgow and Stirling, with a Border occurrence and a Glasgow holder also known as Smith. Repeated personal use and increasingly surname-like forms are visible; hereditary transmission and relationships remain unproved.
1527–1633 Deeds, burgess admissions and testaments identify spouses, children, heirs, occupations and property. A probable preceding generation and a proved burgh family continuing into the seventeenth century can be reconstructed.
1559–early 1600s Additional households are documented at Corsinkell, in the Calder district and elsewhere in Lowland Scotland. Some may be collateral to the burgh family; their internal relationships can be clearer than the missing bridge to it.
1650–1800 Religious conflict, ministry, Ulster households, leases, church records and wills produce several distinct family stories. Multiple Glasgow households are documented in Ulster; their Scottish origins and relationships remain unresolved.
1700 onward Families spread across North America, the Caribbean, Australasia and elsewhere; movement between Ireland and Scotland also continued. Each migration must be followed through its own records.
Family map at a glance
✅ Documented burgh core: William Glasgow and Esbell Brade → their son John Glasgow. John is expressly recorded as father of sons John, William and Stephen; Jonet Spreull was John's wife and is explicitly named as Stephen's mother, but the records do not call her mother of the other two sons. The younger William is confidently identified with William, husband of Margaret Herbesoun; their proved son George carried the line into a documented seventeenth-century family.

🟡 Probable joins: the 1527 John of Saltmarket was probably William's father; Robert the fisher and Archibald were probably William's sons and John's brothers; Isobella was probably William's daughter and John's sister. Their profile edges remain uncertain because no kin term survives. The Corsinkell–Stevenston–Kilwinning group is probably part of the same wider west-coast family, although its missing bridge is not yet proved.

⚠️ Unresolved Irish structure: East Antrim, Tamlaght O'Crilly–Inishrush, Derryloran and the Bann Valley each contain real households and some proved families. No evidence yet makes them descendants of one Irish founder or joins any one of them securely to the Scottish pedigree.

1. From a place-name to settled surname forms, c.1175–1506

The medieval name

The earliest secure direct bearer presently identified is Roger de Glasgu, witness to a Glasgow burgh and Clyde-fishery charter assigned to Bishop Jocelin's episcopate, approximately 1175–1199. Roger is untitled there and must not be silently identified with a “Brother Roger” elsewhere. The same act's “William Gley de Glasgu” shows why syntax matters: a Glasgow phrase could identify a person, qualify another name or describe an association with the place.[1]

The surviving names cluster around institutions that generated durable records:

Setting Bearers and records Genealogical meaning
Dublin commerce, c.1190–1239 Richard and Robert de Glasgu entered the guild roll consecutively at the same assessment; Gilbert appears later. In 1238/39, Alexander was admitted as Robert de Glascu's son.[2] The entries prove an early mercantile presence and one father–son relationship. They do not call Alexander “Glasgow” independently or prove that his father was the earlier guild entrant. Other contemporary Roberts in England and Scotland cannot be collapsed into one traveller.[3]
Church networks, 1259–1399 John de Glasgu was Bishop Gamelin's chaplain in 1259 and probably a later Dunipace-charter witness; a separate John of Glasgow belonged to Holyrood in 1299.[4][5][6] Clerical careers explain long-distance appearances and repeated names. Office, date and institutional continuity are needed before two occurrences become one person.
Glasgow property and royal service, c.1283–90 Hugh de Glasgw witnessed a Rottenrow conveyance. Nearby acts distinguish the messenger's son Alexander from the former constable's son Alexander.[7][8] The messenger's son is a possible match for royal escheator Alexander de Glasgow in 1289/90.[9] Hugh's byname was identifying him inside Glasgow itself. The two Alexanders' fathers were defined by offices, not proved hereditary surnames, and the escheator identity remains only possible.
Repeated fourteenth-century careers William de Glascou was vicar of Corbridge in 1315 and 1322; Master John was chancellor of Dunkeld in 1377 and 1384.[10][11] A priest William, John, father of Malcolm and William the physician remain distinct.[12] Repeated office and date can establish a person's career. Shared forenames and compatible lifespans cannot establish descent or identity.
What the medieval evidence actually proves
✅ A direct personal Glasgow locative is recorded by the late twelfth century. ✅ Repeated use by the same person is demonstrated for William de Glascou in 1315–1322 and for the secure core of Master John de Glasgow's later-fourteenth-century career. ✅ The 1238/39 Alexander and 1394 Malcolm entries use a Glasgow-designated father to identify a son.

Those father–son formulas are family-identifying use, not yet demonstrated hereditary transmission: neither son is independently called Glasgow in the same record. The first secure parent–child bridge in which the related generations themselves carry Glasgow is William and John in 1534. Neither the presence nor disappearance of de alone proves inheritance, and de Glasgu is not a mark of nobility.

Settled forms by the fifteenth century

Bearer Record Significance
John de Glasgu Glasgow property acts, 1447 and 1455. A repeatedly recorded Glasgow burgess and witness.[13]
John Glasgw Stirling property and endowment acts, 1475 and 1479/80. Repeated use of the unprefixed form in another royal burgh.[14]
Alan Glasgw Named as a homicide victim in a remission produced at the Jedburgh justice ayre in 1495. A Border occurrence; not evidence that Alan was alive or resident at Jedburgh in 1495.[15]
John de Glasgow alias Smith Joint acquisition of a four-shilling annual rent from Glasgow High Street property in 1506. A Glasgow designation coexisting with an explicit alternative name.[16]

The Glasgow burgess and the Stirling witness might have been one mobile man, successive generations, collateral relatives or members of different families. No shared property or explicit relationship presently decides between those possibilities. The documentary name continues; the connecting genealogy does not.

Taken together, the medieval records describe a world of institutions and movement rather than a single “Glasgow clan”. Guild members in Dublin, clergy connected with St Andrews, Holyrood and Corbridge, Glasgow property witnesses and a royal officer all carried a Glasgow designation through commercial, ecclesiastical and administrative networks. That geographical spread shows that the name had become useful away from the city; it does not show that the bearers shared a father-line. Hugh's appearance in a deed already situated in Glasgow is especially important because “de Glasgw” distinguishes the person where it cannot simply be explaining the place of the transaction.

The two Alexanders around 1283 show how easily an index can manufacture a false identity: both can be shortened to “Alexander son of Richard, Glasgow”, yet the complete acts distinguish a deceased messenger from a former constable and place their sons in different roles. At the other end of the period, “John de Glasgow alias Smith” shows two identifiers coexisting in 1506. These are signs of surname development and documentary compression, not a continuous pedigree. No named medieval bearer has yet been connected to the sixteenth-century burgh family, and no inspected record supports proposed descent through Bishop Gamelin, the Comyns, Duffield, FitzAlan or a Norman founder.

Full evidence: medieval bearer register and individual pages.

2. The first reconstructable burgh family and its probable branches

The Glasgow town-clerk protocols change the nature of the evidence. Instead of isolated names, they record property passing between parents, children and spouses. Burgess admissions and testaments add occupations, siblings, children and legal responsibilities.

A sasine records possession of property; a liferent reserves its use or income during someone's lifetime; and a curator assisted someone, including a minor, who required legal support. Those details often reveal a relationship where a parish register does not survive.

John of Saltmarket: William's probable father

An older John Glasgow held a west-side Cross-to-South-Port tenement on 2 May 1527. In 1528/29 William Glasgow lay immediately north of the adjoining Henryson–Houston parcel, later shown to be Rankin's holding. A linked boundary sequence and recurring four-shilling institutional burden identify William's tenement as John's 1527 parcel; its fore tenement passed to William's proved son John in 1564.[17]

Two separate inferences must not be collapsed. First, the change in recorded holder from the 1527 Saltmarket John to William occurred within about twenty-one and a half months. That rapid same-title succession, followed by another father-to-son inheritance, makes the 1527 holder William's probable father. An immediate non-parental predecessor remains possible because no surviving deed uses an explicit kin term. Second, the name, city and property interests make the 1506 John de Glasgow alias Smith a possible earlier occurrence of the 1527 holder, but no record supplies the alias in both clusters. The 1506 man acquired an annual rent from Watson property; the 1527 man's own tenement was burdened by an annual transferred to Houston. The equal four-shilling amounts therefore do not join the titles. The complete 1506 BL/204 instrument remains unread. Failure of that identity would not weaken the independent Saltmarket evidence for William's probable father. Eufame Craig, widow of an unnamed Glasgow whose liferent survived in the rear of the block, is the leading candidate for the 1527 John's wife. The detailed title reconstruction is maintained on John's individual page.

William Glasgow and Esbell Brade

William Glasgow held Glasgow property by 20 February 1528/29 and witnessed a transaction in 1530/31. A man of the same name appears in royal remission no. 3412 in 1526, but that record lacks the household, occupation or property needed to prove that he was the burgess.[18]

On 31 December 1534, William and his wife Esbell Brade transferred a back tenement to their son John Glasgow and John's wife Jonet Spreull, reserving the profits during the older couple's lives. William was dead by 16 March 1535/36. John received sasine as heir to his father in 1564.[19]

Three sons of John are directly named in later deeds: John junior in 1563, William in 1565 and Stephen Glasgow in 1575. In particular, John resigned a burgage tenement to William and expressly called him his son. Stephen's record also identifies Jonet Spreull as his mother.[20]

How the inheritance evidence should be read
✅ In 1534 William and Esbell transferred property to their son John; in 1564 John received sasine as heir to his father William. ✅ In 1565 that John transferred a burgage tenement to his son William. The second father–son relationship therefore rests on explicit wording as well as land transmission. ✅ In 1586 George's succession named the younger William as his father and Margaret Herbesoun as his mother, while Stephen—William's proved brother—served among George's curators.

Heirship answers who succeeded to the specified heritable property; it is not a complete list of the dead man's children. John being William's heir therefore does not imply that William had no other sons or daughters. Robert and Archibald remain William's probable sons and John's probable brothers; Isobella remains William's probable daughter and John's probable sister. Only John is expressly called William's son. By contrast, the older John-to-William step has no kin term: it is graded probable because the linked boundary sequence and four-shilling institutional burden track the title as its recorded holder changed within about twenty-one and a half months, after which the property passed in a proved father-to-son succession.
Proved and probable burgh-family reconstruction
🟡 John Glasgow of Saltmarket, documented in 1527 — probable father of William through rapid succession to the same property title; possibly, but not proved to be, the 1506 alias-Smith bearer
↳ ✅ William Glasgow + Esbell Brade — documented spouses
↳↳ ✅ John Glasgow senior — expressly their son and later William's heir
↳↳ 🟡 Robert Glasgow — probable son and John's probable brother through the property, fisher and witness network
↳↳ 🟡 Archibald Glasgow — probable son and brother through property succession and Robert's witness role
↳↳ 🟡 Isobella Glasgow — probable daughter and sister through her husband's repeated property and fisher links
↳↳ ⚠️ Elizabeth Glasgow — possible daughter or close kinswoman through the Sandilands–Kaine Calder network

John senior's proved children: John junior (exact profile unresolved); William, confidently identified with the husband of Margaret Herbesoun; and Stephen Glasgow.
↳↳↳ ✅ William + Margaret Herbesoun → George Glasgow
↳↳↳↳ ✅ George's documented children include daughters Jonet, Margaret and Barbara, and a son Archibald.

The younger William Glasgow is confidently identified with John's son William. Mychael Lyndesay witnessed both William's first located legal appearance in 1564 and John's 1565 conveyance to his son William; no competing living adult William Glasgow appears in the complete published protocol sequence searched through 1586. When William's proved son George Glasgow succeeded him in 1586, John's other son Stephen witnessed and then acted among George's curators while George's mother Margaret Herbesoun held liferent. The 1586 protocols directly name George's father and mother.[21]

George's family extends the proved burgh pedigree into the seventeenth century. Protocol 3492 records his 1598 marriage contract with Margaret Stewart, daughter of Alexander Stewart. Their daughter Margaret Glasgow was baptised in 1610, son Archibald Glasgow in 1614 and daughter Barbara Glasgow in 1617. The 1624 admission of Jonet's husband John Stewart, mason, and the 1633 admission of Margaret's husband James Stewart, merchant, independently call the women George's lawful daughters; the 1624 entry does not name Jonet's mother. Archibald's proposed identification with a later Donegal clerk remains unproved, while Thomas and William candidates still require record-to-profile audit before inclusion as documented children.[22]

Stephen's wife is independently named as Margaret Grahame in a property transaction of 1582.[23]

Robert's probable branch of the burgh family

Robert Glasgow was a fisher, burgess and property-holder whose wife is recorded as Margaret Rowand. Strong circumstantial evidence makes Robert a probable son of William and probable brother of William's proved son John; a more distant close-collateral relationship remains the alternative. Robert's lands and those of a John Glasgow bounded the same compact south-burgh properties in 1557 and 1560; William's proved son is the leading identity for that property-holder, although the deeds do not uniquely identify him. Robert sold the St Roche/late Andrew Dunlop parcel adjoining John's property in 1568/69; the Rowands restored and reconveyed the same parcel in 1572/73, when a fisher named John witnessed the transaction. Robert, John and Archibald Herbesoun—husband of probable sister Isobella Glasgow—were then named together as fishers in 1573. Robert had earlier witnessed Archibald Glasgow acquire a fore-and-back holding in 1551; by 1554/55 John held at least the corresponding rear title beside Thomas Bargill. This repeated property, craft and in-law pattern is much stronger than surname and chronology alone. It does not supply an explicit kin term, so the proposed parentage remains probable rather than documented; John's succession to the specified property is compatible with Robert being another son.[24]

A burgess admission dated 23 October 1596 calls Ninian Glasgow the second son of Robert Glasgow, fisher and burgess. Ninian's household is then clarified by two testaments: first wife Jonet Meik was mother of their son Robert, whereas later wife and executor Jonet Hutchesoun was not. Ninian's 1613 testament expressly names brother John and sister Marion. Robert is consequently a strong father candidate for both siblings, but full or half relationship is unstated and John's profile identity remains unresolved: the John whose estate was processed in 1577 was already dead, while Glasgow-1030 is only the leading candidate. Damaged wording cannot safely supply another son. Ninian was a fisher, not a flesher or butcher.[25][26]

Archibald Glasgow and Isobell Newlands form another documented property-holding couple. Their 1551 deed proves the spouses and their South Port property. It does not name Archibald's parents, but Robert's witness role and the appearance of at least the corresponding rear title beside Thomas Bargill in the hands of William's proved son John by 1554/55 make Archibald a probable son of William and probable brother of John and Robert; the boundary still tracked the late John in 1575. A close-collateral relationship or sale to an unrelated namesake remains possible.[27]

This is not merely a list of men sharing a trade. Robert was simultaneously a fisher, burgess and property-holder; Archibald and John participated in the same compact title history; and Isobella's husband Archibald Herbesoun appeared repeatedly with Robert—in 1559/60, 1567 and again in the 1573 fisher group. Spouses and in-laws also recur in liferents, testaments and curatorships. No one link supplies a kin term, but their agreement across independent transactions explains why Robert and Archibald are probably John's brothers and Isobella probably his sister, rather than unrelated surname bearers. Close-collateral relationships remain possible.[28]

Why women and property rights are central to the reconstruction
The pedigree is not recovered from male surname-bearers alone. Esbell Brade's consent and reserved profits help prove her marriage and son; Jonet Spreull's grants and liferents identify her as John's wife, while a later act explicitly names her as Stephen's mother. Eufame Craig's widow's liferent preserves the preceding property title despite her unnamed husband. Margaret Herbesoun's liferent and George's succession identify both his parents, while Isobella Glasgow's ratification and her husband's recurring place in the property-and-fisher network help recover her probable family position.[29]

The testaments likewise distinguish Jonet Meik, mother of Ninian's son Robert, from later wife and executor Jonet Hutchesoun. Wife, mother, widow, liferenter, grantee and heir are different legal identities; conflating them would erase women from the evidence and create false parentage.

The later generations show consolidation as well as continuity. The reconstructed family network encompassed property-holding and the fishing craft, while the documented John–William–George line reached the merchant and guild-brother status recorded for George; marriages and burgess admissions continued to identify his daughters in the civic record. The evidential chain is consequently both genealogical and social: named descent persists while the family's place in property, commerce, guild membership and allied households becomes more visible.[22]

Detailed evidence: early Scottish branches · protocol books · wills and testaments · kinship circle.

3. Scottish households beyond the burgh

The surviving evidence reveals several local groups. They should not be forced into the proved burgh pedigree merely because their dates and surname are compatible, but neither should they be presumed unrelated. The western Ayrshire evidence in particular now supports a probable connected regional family, even though the precise bridge from the burgh pedigree has not survived.

The useful geography is a corridor, not a set of sealed branches. Glasgow burgh property records, Glencairn/Cunningham estate instruments, the 1559–60 Cunninghame teind lists, Kilwinning evidence and Mathy-associated transactions reveal people circulating between a commercial city and the estates and coastal settlements of its western hinterland. The teind material identifies liable adult tenants or householders and some co-holdings; it does not record tenancy succession or kinship. Tenancy, fishing, witnessing and service to a landholding family could all carry the same kin network across modern county labels. This context cannot prove a parent, but it makes a tested burgh–Ayrshire identification historically plausible rather than a match based only on the surname.

The corridor is documentary as well as geographical. Robert the burgh fisher and David Mathy were fellow burgesses and co-witnesses in 1554. In 1559–60 Matthew Glasgow shared Ardeer Nether with John Mathie, while other Mathies, Michael Glasgow and both Corsinkell Jameses appeared across the same estate landscape. A John Mathie later entered the Glasgow burgess roll with the Earl of Glencairn's group, and 1607 tutory retours identify the deceased Glencairn-associated John Mathie of Ibert's brother Matthew as a Glasgow burgess. This creates a credible civic-to-estate network supporting the Robert-of-Kilbride identity hypothesis; it does not prove a Glasgow parent or make every occurrence one family.[30]

Ayrshire continuity: the leading reconstruction
✅ James Glasgow elder of Corsinkell had sons James and John, expressly named in 1571. 🟡 The John recorded earlier at Kilwinning, Glasgow-3193, is probably the same son, but remains a separate profile until a record carries his residence between the holdings. 🟡 Michael Glasgow, a Glencairn witness in 1549 and probably the Brakpleuch man in the 1559–60 teind list, was probably James elder's brother or cousin. ⚠️ Matthew Glasgow of Ardeer is a possible son or nephew. 🟡 Robert Glasgow of Kilbride is probably the same man as Robert the burgh fisher: only five years separate the records, and the Mathy/Glencairn and associate networks supply a credible city-to-Ayrshire route.[31]
🌿 Local group 👨‍👩‍👧 Documented family 🔎 Present position
🟠 Corsinkell, Stevenston James Glasgow elder, with sons James younger and John, explicitly named in a 1571 reversion. The father–son and brother relationships are proved. The Kilwinning John is the probable identity of the named son; no record yet names James elder's own parents or proves the bridge to William and Esbell.[32]
🟧 Wider Glencairn estate network Michael at Stevenston/Brakpleuch; Matthew at Ardeer; Robert at Kilbride. Michael is a probable brother or cousin of James elder; Matthew a possible son or nephew. The Kilbride Robert is probably the burgh fisher, but the two profiles remain separate pending an identifying deed.
🟠 Katherine Glasgow and the Weirs, Stevenston Katherine Glasgow, wife of Thomas Weir, died in January 1603. Thomas represented minor executors William, James and probably Jonet/Janet Weir. The three minors were very probably Katherine and Thomas's children, although no explicit child term survives. Katherine's liabilities to the Earl of Glencairn, the Stevenston minister, other creditors and two servants exceeded her livestock, grain and household assets. The household belongs inside the same Glencairn-estate landscape as Corsinkell, Brakpleuch and Ardeer, but no record yet makes Katherine a daughter or sister within the Glasgow groups already reconstructed.[33]
🔵 Hirmanscheillis / Calder John Glasgow, widow Margaret [Cochrane?], lawful daughter Katherine, and a second lawful child provisionally read as [Androw?/Andrew]. The 1577 administration directly calls John the children's father. Margaret's status as widow is clear, but her surname, the second child's forename and the death year within the March death clause remain uncertain. The index supplies Hirmenschelis; the present manuscript reading does not independently settle the place. Marjorie Glasgow is not supported as this testament's second child.[34]
🟣 Calder estate and district Elizabeth Glasgow, widow of Alexander Kaine, occupied Easter Corswood in 1552. At Caldercleir, Andrew Glasgow named wife Elizat Stevinsoun, son Robert by Elizat, and daughters Marion, Janet and Isobel; his will also made conditional provision for a possible unborn child. At Croftmalloch, Margaret Glasgow was sometime wife of John Easton and expressly mother of Cuthbert Kaddell/Keddell; John is not thereby proved to be Cuthbert's father. A 1526 remission for James Sandilands of Calder's group places a William Glasgow immediately beside Alexander Kano, probably Elizabeth's later husband Kaine. This makes Elizabeth a possible daughter or close kinswoman of the burgh William, but neither man's cross-record identity nor the degree of kinship is explicit. Andrew and Margaret are possible later rural collaterals; their testaments prove their own households, not parents or a burgh bridge. Andrew's landholding was to remain with Elizat until Robert came of age, then pass to Robert—a direct succession within this rural household, not proof of connection to the burgh family.[35]
🟨 Edinburgh and Leith crafts William Glasgow, mealmaker in Leith, and Archibald Glasgow, shoemaker, are proved father and son. In Edinburgh, James Glasgow, son of Robert of Wester Duddingston, progressed from apprentice to weaver and burgess; James's son Robert progressed from apprentice to merchant and burgess. Apprenticeships, a retour and burgess admissions establish two strong urban craft pedigrees. No record yet joins either to the Glasgow-burgh core. They show apprenticeship and burgess admission carrying family identity across occupations and generations.[36]
🟪 Quothquan, Libberton James Glasgow, weaver, in 1624; three separate John estates—John in 1650, an unprofiled John in 1662 and John in 1685—and William Glasgow in 1673. The 1650 John's testament names his lawful sister Bessie Glasgow as executrix; the 1685 testament names the later John's widow Jonet. Six decades of records establish a continuing locality population, not one proved pedigree. The three Johns must not be merged or turned into a Cavers or Ulster founder without a record bridge.[37]
🟦 Saltcoats John Glasgow, sailor, widow Isobell Gray, and John's lawful children Katherine and Agnes Glasgow. The father–child links and widowhood are directly proved by John's testament dative. It does not expressly call Isobell the girls' mother. John died in December 1636; the April 1637 court day is provisionally read as the 21st. Identity with Jhone Glasgow, M.A. remains on HOLD. Mary Glasgow is not the child named in the corrected reading.[38]
🟤 Borders and later Cavers Alan Glasgow's homicide was raised at the Jedburgh justice ayre in 1495; John and William Glasgow were listed under Cavers parish in 1679.[15][39] These are separate judicial and religious records almost two centuries apart. Neither proves Alan's residence at Jedburgh, a continuous Border pedigree or a relationship between the two Cavers prisoners.

These five testaments sharpen the social picture as well as the pedigree. The 1577 and 1580 administrations show livestock, grain, wages, rent and household goods in rural West Lothian estates; Andrew's 1597/8 will adds managed land succession and protection for his children's interests, with Robert not yet at the age specified for taking the land. Katherine's 1603 Stevenston estate places another Glasgow household under the Earl of Glencairn, where a surviving husband represented three probable minor children and debts exceeded assets. The 1636 Saltcoats estate instead belongs to a maritime household, with a probable fishing boat and another sailor serving as debtor and cautioner. Together they show that sixteenth- and early-seventeenth-century Glasgow bearers occupied several connected economic worlds. The records prove or strongly imply individual nuclear relationships, but they do not collapse the Calder, Croftmalloch, burgh and Ayrshire-coast households into one pedigree.

By the seventeenth century, people named Glasgow were established in the city and its hinterland, Ayrshire, the Calder district, Edinburgh and Leith, Stirling, Quothquan and the Borders. Some were probably connected. Property succession, testaments, rentals and marriage contracts—not geography alone—must establish the links.

If the Kilbride Robert is the burgh fisher, he supplies the first person-level bridge across this corridor. Corsinkell is the strongest reconstructed rural branch; Calder and Quothquan remain documented locality populations until title, succession or kinship records connect them.

That uneven confidence also reflects survival. Rentals and estate deeds preserve tenants and witnesses when land was administered; testaments expose a household only when an estate entered the commissary record. Neither record class guarantees a continuous generation-by-generation succession. The absence of a surviving bridge may therefore be a gap in estate and church records, but it cannot be filled by treating regional proximity as proof.

Regional research: Ayrshire · Scottish Borders · full Scottish branch study.

4. Religious and civic life

The National Covenant of 1638 and the Restoration re-imposition of episcopal church government turned religious allegiance into fines, imprisonment and armed conflict. After the Covenanter defeat at Bothwell Bridge in 1679, prisoners were sentenced to transportation. Different Glasgow households entered that history in different ways. John Glasgow of Cavers and another William Glasgow appear among the prisoners subjected to coerced transportation who survived the 1679 wreck of the Croune of London. The list establishes both men as prisoners and survivors, but does not make them brothers, name their parents or give either man an Irish destination; the William has not been securely identified with the existing William profile.[39] A later Ulster-Scots Agency account places James Young, listed two places after William, among survivors who reached Ulster. That makes the route a concrete research lead; it does not show that William went there or became the traditional Irish founder.[40]

Rev. John Glasgow, M.A. belongs to the transition into the re-established Presbyterian Kirk. He graduated at Glasgow in 1674 and was ordained minister of Kilbirnie on 16 August 1688, during the final months of the Restoration regime; his ministry continued through the Revolution and the 1690 re-establishment of Presbyterian church government. No reviewed evidence makes him a field preacher, prisoner or active Covenanter. He married his first wife, Jean Cunningham, on 14 January 1690; his second was Margaret Scott.[41] Jean was the daughter of John Cunningham in Wattieston, chamberlain to the laird of Glengarnock and a member of the Robertland family. Her sons included John Glasgow, merchant, bailie and provost of Irvine, and Dr Robert Glasgow, surgeon and chamberlain to Viscount Garnock.[42] A 1722 letter directly calls Robert at Paddockholm and James Glasgow, a divinity student at Glasgow, brothers; the matching Kilbirnie baptisms and Robert's established residence strongly identify them with these two profiles.[43]

James's formerly claimed Irish career is a useful warning about migration stories built from defective evidence. The supposed settler was James Crawfurd, not James Glasgow, and the further account and receipt had been exposed as forgeries in the Crawfurd peerage case. The genuine 1722 letter instead places James at Glasgow as a divinity student. Document criticism here does not merely lower confidence; it removes a false Scotland-to-Ireland migration.[44]

Rev. John was probably part of the older Corsinkell–Stevenston–Kilwinning family rather than the root of an unrelated Ayrshire line, but no reviewed record names either parent. The intervening Hugh and John connections remain tree-derived scaffolding, and the contemporary Kilwinning John is a serious duplicate candidate who must be resolved before extending the pedigree. Jhone Glasgow, M.A. (Glasgow-1030) is not documented as the minister of Kilbirnie.

Glasgow family memorials at Kilwinning Abbey: evidence of the surname's later Ayrshire presence, not proof of descent from the sixteenth-century groups. View source illustration

These are different religious histories: Cavers documents Restoration coercion and survival after Bothwell Bridge; Kilbirnie documents education and ministry across the Revolution settlement. Neither supplies a genealogical bridge to the other.

Rev. John's descendants reveal a longer Ayrshire social trajectory. Marriage into a chamberlain's family, Dr Robert's service to Viscount Garnock, and John's municipal career at Irvine show education, marriage and patronage embedding the family in local administration. The next generation's conversion of Caribbean plantation wealth into Montgreenan extended that history into the imperial economy; its unusual estate-and-surname succession is discussed below.[42][45]

Later Glasgow–Cunningham marriages are retained on the supporting marriage study as a test of whether these estate and alliance networks persisted. They are useful context, but repetition of a spouse surname cannot by itself bridge Rev. John to the sixteenth-century Corsinkell family.

5. Ulster: several households, not one founding story

The medieval Dublin guild bearers belong to the early history of the name. Seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Ulster households belong to a later period of Scottish–Irish movement. The long gap cannot be crossed by surname similarity alone.

What the principal Irish records can—and cannot—show
Hearth-money rolls identify people liable for hearth tax and distinguish taxable households; they do not name every wife, child or lodger, and adjacent entries do not state kinship. Protestant-householder and religious returns likewise enumerate heads or qualifying adults, not pedigrees. Congregational minutes can reveal office-holding, repeated cooperation and continuity within one worshipping community, but “appears with” is not automatically “brother of”. Census returns reconstruct people living together at one date; unnamed or absent household members cannot be converted into attached children. Parish entries, deeds, wills and litigation are more likely to use explicit terms such as son, brother, aunt or grandmother. The strongest reconstruction is the one in which several independent record types converge.
🍀 Research group What the records show Present reconstruction
🟢 East Antrim, 1653–1727 Robert Glaskow at Larne in 1653; Elizabeth at Glenarm and Jo/John and James consecutively at Kilwaughter in 1669. About thirty years later John senior represented Kilwaughter and James served as its district overseer. The James later recorded as a session member, deceased in 1726 and indexed as a Kilwater testator in 1727 was very probably the same congregational figure. John and James were probably close relatives—brothers or another close collateral relationship are both possible—but the exact edge and their relationship to Robert or Elizabeth are not stated. A 1666 Robert Glasgow, master of the John of Portrush, transported coal for the earl of Argyll: a concrete maritime mechanism and identity lead, not yet an identification with the Larne Robert or proof of the vessel's route.[46]
🔵 Kilwaughter–South Carolina Robert Glasgow and Rachel Wilson; their register-recorded children James, Ann and a younger Rachel; James's later family in South Carolina. Grandson Robert Glasgow used the explicit terms father, mother, paternal grandmother and aunt in a sworn answer. This is a strongly documented family and migration, but Robert's own father is unknown. Later pleadings say the elder Rachel died leaving James and Ann, so the younger Rachel may have died early or have been irrelevant to that inheritance; omission remains possible. James's wife Mary was a daughter of one of Rachel's Wilson sisters—his cousin—but no reviewed record proves that Mary's birth surname was Crosier.[47]
🟠 Tamlaght O'Crilly–Inishrush Two Hugh Glasgow households in 1740; one Hugh again among Tamlaght O'Crilly inhabitants in 1772. One 1740 Hugh stands immediately beside Ellis and McCullough in the collector sequence, surnames independently associated with Inishrush's 1734 lease. Adam Glasgow and the Inishrush John occur in the later family landscape. The 1831 John is probably John born in 1767: his family register, an independent descendant Bible, Drimbolg appearances, personal Inishrush recollections and the near-exact household reconstruction converge. He and Adam were probably brothers or cousins, not father and son. “Older Adam and Maria” are naming-pattern search candidates only. William Glasgow, said in 1888 to have remained after the 1689 campaign, is family tradition rather than a documentary founder.[48]
🟣 Derryloran Two James and two William households in 1740; five households at Drumearn, Gortein and Killycurry in 1766. The first proved local nuclear family is William and Mary, whose son James was baptised in 1799. James Glasgow of Ballynasollus is the probable identity of that baptised son. The records support a substantial locality cluster, not descent from a “Moneymore founder”.[49]
🟩 Bann Valley–Lisnagaver Daniel Glasgow and Thomas Glasgow are proved brothers. Alexander Glasgow and Mary McCaughan's son Robert is proved by the 1851 household and Robert's 1866 marriage. Alexander was a possible brother or cousin of Daniel and Thomas, not a proved sibling; his parents remain unknown. Robert later moved to Scotland, a documented Ireland-to-Scotland direction often lost in simplified migration stories.[50]
⚪ Other Irish roots—inside and outside Ulster Belfast shipmasters; Raphoe and Killybegs; Dublin watchmakers; Kilclone; Leitrim; Rathdowney and other locality groups. These have their own source trails and should not be folded into one of the better-known Ulster trees without a bridge. Dublin urban trades and the separate Meath memorial family also show why the Irish story cannot be reduced to one Ulster-Presbyterian settlement. Reported Rathdowney Catholic baptisms remain index-level leads pending inspection of the underlying register.[51] Their concise register belongs on the supporting early-Ireland page.

East Antrim is therefore not best understood as four unrelated names. Robert at Larne, Elizabeth at Glenarm, the consecutive John and James entries at Kilwaughter, and the later district roles of John senior and James show a concentrated surname presence with institutional continuity. The association in two independent record groups makes close kinship between John and James probable, but brotherhood, father-and-son and another collateral relationship remain possible. The congregational transcript separately places an older Robert in the South Side rather than Kilwaughter; he must not be silently merged with Robert of Larne, the Scottish Robert profile or the younger Robert who married Rachel Wilson. The probable James sequence is strong but source-limited: Porter used a transcription for early material whose original is now missing, and the indexed 1727 will and all fuller information are lost. It proves institutional continuity better than family composition.

The Kilwaughter–South Carolina branch is stronger because different evidence converges: congregational chronology places the household, a lease fixes people and land, and later sworn litigation states relationships retrospectively but explicitly. Those records recover family identity on both sides of the Atlantic, but they do not identify James's ship, voyage date or route. Tamlaght O'Crilly points in the opposite methodological direction: two Hugh households in the same 1740 return undermine any account built around one automatically identified founder. Derryloran's two James and two William households in 1740, followed by several townland households in 1766, describe a local population complex; only the later baptism begins a proved nuclear family.

Bann Valley evidence combines a will, civil relationships, census households, landholding and a genetically relevant tested line. Daniel and Thomas are proved brothers, and Robert is proved as Alexander's son, while Alexander remains their possible brother or cousin. The land pattern itself resists a simple three-brothers story: Alexander and Robert held substantial Lisnagaver properties in 1834; later John, Alexander and Thomas occupied a near-equivalent adjoining Glasgow block, but John's marriage names a different John as his father and the 1851 census proves Samuel as John's brother. The holdings therefore show continuing tenancy and a probable kin network, not a proved division among sons of one known father.[52] A tested direct-male line from Alexander belongs to R-FT20271 and is genetically related to the tested James J. and Robert-1749 lines. That does not prove Alexander's immediate relationship to Daniel or Thomas, neither of whom supplies the needed comparison line, or assign the Bann Valley family to Kilwaughter, Cross or Moneymore.

The familiar “Cross” and “Moneymore” labels describe later reconstructed trees, not the strongest early documentary roots. Charles Glasgow's 1686 Scottish baptism does not itself prove that he became the man associated with Cross. Likewise, William sometimes styled “William Walter Glasgow” has a Scottish identity problem, not a record-proved migration to Moneymore. These labels remain useful ways to find descendant research, but they should not be mistaken for contemporary Irish founders.

The wider result is not either “one Irish family” or “a collection of strangers”. It is a set of real locality populations at different stages of reconstruction inside a connected Scottish–Ulster world. Religion, access to land, maritime work, marriage and existing kin may each explain a particular movement; the mechanism need not be the same for every household. What matters is whether a record follows the same person—or names the relationship—across the gap.

Irish research: early branches · County Londonderry · historical chronology · The Glasgows in Ireland.

6. Migration and worldwide families

Glasgow families later appear in North America, the Caribbean, Australasia, the South Atlantic and elsewhere, but global distribution is not evidence of one universal Scotland → Ulster → America route. The records instead reveal different mechanisms: family resettlement, eastward rural-to-urban migration, military settlement, public office in settler societies, cultural life and the transfer of plantation capital. Those mechanisms have different source trails and different human consequences.

Person or line Documented movement or setting Why it matters
James Glasgow and the Kilwaughter family Born into the documented Kilwaughter household in 1731; later in South Carolina, where he left a will in 1775.[47] Congregational evidence, an Irish lease and transatlantic family litigation allow the same family to be recovered on both sides of the Atlantic rather than inferred from matching names; they do not identify James's ship, voyage date or route.
Robert Glasgow and family From the Lisnagaver household in Ireland to Glasgow, Scotland, by 1871.[53] The move of an Antrim farmer's son into industrial Glasgow is both Ireland-to-Scotland and rural-to-urban. It corrects the assumption that movement across the North Channel always ran westward or had one economic pattern.
William Glasgow, later Glass Military service carried him through South Africa before he helped establish the permanent Tristan da Cunha community in 1817.[54] This is military and settlement history, and a documented individual surname change, not evidence that every Glass family belongs in the Glasgow study.
Robert Glasgow of Montgreenan Owner of Mount Grenan and Sans Souci plantations on St Vincent; with Houstoun & Co finance he accumulated a West Indian fortune, bought Montgreenan in Ayrshire in 1802 and built the later house about 1810–17.[45] The movement here is of wealth extracted from enslaved labour into a Scottish estate. The assertion that Robert died without issue is contradicted by UCL’s account of his 1803 trust, which names children John and Emilia, and its identification of Anne as his natural daughter and heir. The Robertson succession carried the Glasgow name through Anne’s marriage; it does not establish a Glasgow paternal line for her husband’s descendants.[55]
James Glasgow North Carolina's first Secretary of State; the land-fraud scandal associated with him contributed to Glasgow County being renamed Greene County.[56] A diaspora history can be institutional and political as well as genealogical: office-holding and scandal altered a public map as well as one family's fortunes.
Sir Thomas William Glasgow Queensland-born soldier, politician and diplomat whose father came from northern Ireland.[57] His career shows how northern-Irish ancestry entered Australian public life; it does not by itself identify the earlier Irish root.
Ellen Glasgow American novelist who won the 1942 Pulitzer Prize for In This Our Life.[58] Her place here is the cultural history of an established American branch, not a proposed bridge back to a particular medieval or Ulster founder.

These examples prevent “migration” from becoming a single genealogical arrow. Passenger lists, the surname-frequency table, New Zealand arrivals, American settlers and additional notable bearers belong on the dedicated migration and worldwide-families page, where each entry can carry its own source and identity assessment without overwhelming this overview.

7. Y-DNA: connecting paternal branches

Y-DNA asks a different question from documentary genealogy. It can show that tested paternal lines share a male-line ancestor and help estimate when branches divided. It cannot name that ancestor or repair an unsupported paper pedigree by itself.

Modelled deep paternal pathway for the principal Glasgow Y-DNA cluster. This is a genetic-geographical reconstruction, not a documented itinerary of named Glasgow ancestors. View source illustration

The principal tested surname cluster lies beneath R-M269 > R-U106 > R-Z18 > R-Z17 and is defined at R-FT25406. R-FT20271 is downstream of R-FT25406, not a parallel branch. Other Glasgow surname-project members may belong to different paternal lineages.

Tested topology: genetic containment, not a paper pedigree
R-FT4811 — deeper ancestral fork
↳ R-FTA30932 — collateral comparison branch, not on the principal Glasgow path
↳ R-FT32941 / R-FTA35069
 ↳ R-FT25406 — principal tested Glasgow/Glasgo cluster
  ↳ basal FT25406 Big-Y line reported within the wider Jeremiah–Henry Glasgo research group; tester-to-pedigree mapping not fully reconciled
  ↳ R-FT20271 — genuine downstream child branch
   ↳ tested direct-male line from Alexander Glasgow
   ↳ tested direct-male line from James J. Glasgow
   ↳ tested descendant lines from Robert Glasgow
    ↳ R-FTE32242 in two reported son-lines descending through James M. Glasgow

A separately displayed Y-111 result is reported under Henry Glasgo. It is not the unnumbered Big-Y test, so its STR association must not be used to assign Henry's documented line directly to FT25406. These indentations describe genetic containment, not named father–son relationships; reported roots and every connecting generation require documentary audit.[59]
Branch Most likely common-ancestor estimate Displayed 95% interval
R-FT25406 1431 CE — best expressed as around the fifteenth century. 1199–1608 CE
R-FT20271 1583 CE — approximately the later sixteenth century. 1387–1728 CE

These are estimates for common ancestors of tested lines, not birth dates for named people or dates when the surname was adopted. Because FT20271 is nested below FT25406, the estimates describe successive branching levels rather than competing founders. The central FT25406 estimate is historically suggestive because its interval overlaps the period in which recognisable surname forms become increasingly visible. FT20271's 1387–1728 interval spans surname consolidation in Scotland, the earliest East Antrim evidence and the Plantation era; its central 1583 estimate cannot date a migration or make the branch intrinsically “Ulster-Scots”. Neither estimate selects the 1447 burgess, the Stirling witness, William of the 1534 deed or any Irish householder as the genetic founder.[60]

The result changes one historical conclusion while leaving another open. The tested FT20271 lines are paternal genetic relatives, so Alexander's Bann Valley line, the James J. line and Robert's associated line should not be narrated as biologically unrelated roots. FT20271 is reported in lines through three sons of Robert, making him an inferred carrier if those pedigrees are correct. Two lines through James M. carry FTE32242, making James M. an inferred carrier on the same condition; placing the mutation on the exact Robert-to-James edge still requires verified pedigrees and reliable collateral non-carrier results. DNA does not identify the earlier common ancestor, the number of generations separating the principal lines or whether that man lived in Scotland, Ireland or elsewhere. Documentary gaps cannot be closed by assigning a SNP to the most convenient named founder.

Glasgow-project men on other Y branches are equally informative. They may represent independent adoption of a locative surname, a non-paternal event somewhere in a documented genealogy, or an unrelated family that arrived at the same surname; they are evidence about the surname's history, not erroneous results to discard. The productive method is to extend each paternal pedigree independently and only then compare genetic branches. STR similarity screens possible relationships; placement on a named downstream SNP requires the relevant test.

DNA research: surname DNA · R-FT25406 · ancient paternal ancestry · interactive explorer · FamilyTreeDNA project.

The wider history now visible
The study no longer supports a simple march from one medieval founder to one Scottish family and then one Irish branch. It shows a locative designation acquiring personal force in medieval commercial, ecclesiastical and administrative networks; a hereditary burgh family becoming visible when property records begin to state descent; and a probable wider west-coast kin network operating between city, estate and coastal communities. Seventeenth-century religion then produced distinct experiences—Restoration repression and coerced transportation on one side, ministry across the Revolution settlement on another—while land, worship, commerce and maritime traffic created several Ulster locality populations. Overseas expansion followed multiple mechanisms, including family resettlement, eastward rural-to-urban migration, military service, public office in settler societies and capital extracted from enslaved labour. Y-DNA confirms that some documentary roots belong to one paternal genetic network, while estate history demonstrates that a surname can also continue without the biological paternal line. The coherent history lies in those changing institutions and record systems, not in forcing every Glasgow into one pedigree.

Research directory and workbench

The specialist pages hold the detailed evidence which would otherwise clutter this overview:

Subject Main page
Medieval bearers and surname development Bearers of the de Glasgu Name · surname origins · origins research · Bishop Gamelin
Early families, property, inheritance and associates early Scotland · protocol books · testaments · kinship circle · repeated marriages
Ireland early Ireland · County Londonderry
Migration and DNA worldwide families · surname DNA · ancient Y-DNA
Every page and current status complete categorized research directory

The digital workbench provides a person catalogue, record search, place search, family map and Y-DNA explorer. These are finding aids. A map point, candidate score or exported parent field is not a source for a relationship.

Open questions

Historical question Decisive or highest-value evidence What it would resolve
Was the 1506 alias-Smith bearer the 1527 Saltmarket holder, and does the pedigree continue farther back? Inspect the full 1506 BL/204 instrument—especially its alias wording, witnesses, terms of joint acquisition and source of title—and trace the annual payable from the Watson property through later assignments. Separately trace the 1527 Saltmarket tenement backwards, seeking a repeated alias, associate, heirship or explicit kin term. A repeated identifier or relationship could join the two Johns. The equal four-shilling sums cannot: one was an annual acquired from Watson property, the other a burden on John's separate Saltmarket tenement. Whether or not those identities join, the Saltmarket title sequence independently supports the 1527 John as William's probable father.
How did the burgh and Ayrshire groups connect? Glencairn/Cunningham estate succession, the full 1610 Montfoid, 1632 Brekpleughe and 1634 Brigend testaments, or a marriage contract naming relatives on both sides. It would test whether Corsinkell descends from William's immediate family and whether the probable Kilbride Robert is the surviving bridge. Calder requires its own title or associate link.
Who were Rev. John's parents? Full Kilwinning entries for the 1679 marriage and 1689 baptism, plus Irvine Presbytery and Kilbirnie kirk-session records for his call, trials and ordination. A title such as “Mr” or an incompatible trade could resolve the Kilwinning John duplicate question; a testimonial or call may identify Rev. John's former parish or kin.
How were the first East Antrim households related? Surviving Kilwaughter/Larne congregational records, estate leases, title succession and probate substitutes naming heirs, siblings or sureties. It could turn probable institutional and locality continuity into an exact relationship between John, James, Robert, Elizabeth and the later Kilwaughter households.
Which Scottish–Irish migrations can be proved? A lease, church certificate, military record, letter, deed or court paper identifying the same person in both countries. It would replace general migration context with a person-level bridge and show whether land, religion, work, marriage or kin drove that movement.
Where does Kilwaughter sit in the tested paternal tree? Big Y testing from a generation-by-generation documented Kilwaughter male line, compared with the FT25406 and FT20271 results. It would distinguish a split above FT20271, membership within it, or a separate paternal origin; it would not by itself name the common ancestor.

Naming patterns, repeated marriages and geographical proximity can make one hypothesis more promising than another. They become persuasive when an independently found record matches a specific prediction; they do not replace the record.

How to contribute

The most useful contributions include the complete record image or transcript, archive reference, page or folio and an explanation of the identity or relationship it supports. A record which distinguishes two people with the same name can be as valuable as one which adds a generation.

Researchers and descendants can join the Glasgow DNA Project discussion group. Documentary contributions are welcome from every branch, including families outside the principal Y-DNA cluster.

The workbench change log records research releases and corrections.

References

Source references

  1. Cosmo Innes, ed., Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. I (Edinburgh, 1843), no. 41, pp. 37–38; digitised volume.
  2. Philomena Connolly and Geoffrey Martin, eds., The Dublin Guild Merchant Roll, c.1190–1265 (Dublin, 1992), membranes 2d/B, 11d/B and 27/B; Dublin City Library and Archive digital transcript.
  3. C. T. Flower, ed., Curia Regis Rolls, vol. I (London, 1922), p. 354; D. E. Easson and Angus Macdonald, eds., Charters of the Abbey of Inchcolm (Edinburgh, 1938), no. XIV; DEEDS 03320015.
  4. Registrum Prioratus Sancti Andree (1841), p. 173.
  5. Registrum Monasterii S. Marie de Cambuskenneth, no. 81; DEEDS 07280081.
  6. Joseph Bain, ed., Calendar of Documents Relating to Scotland, vol. II, no. 1052; People of Medieval Scotland.
  7. Registrum Monasterii de Passelet (1832), pp. 383–385; DEEDS 06190339.
  8. Ibid.; DEEDS 06190338 and DEEDS 06190340.
  9. John Stuart and George Burnett, eds., The Exchequer Rolls of Scotland, vol. I (1878), p. 47; digitised volume.
  10. Registrum Palatinum Dunelmense, vol. II, pp. 759–760; A History of Northumberland, vol. X, 19 November 1322.
  11. Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. I, p. 292; Registrum Monasterii de Passelet, p. 331.
  12. Petitions to the Pope, 1342–1419, entries for 1394; Exchequer Rolls of Scotland, vol. III, pp. 342, 356, 427.
  13. Liber Collegii Nostre Domine: Munimenta Fratrum Predicatorum de Glasgu (Glasgow, 1846), acts dated 21 June 1447 and 10 April 1455; digitised volume.
  14. Charters and Other Documents Relating to the Royal Burgh of Stirling, A.D. 1124–1705 (Glasgow, 1884), acts dated 11 April 1475 and 2 March 1479/80; digitised volume.
  15. Robert Pitcairn, ed., Criminal Trials in Scotland, vol. I, part I (Edinburgh, 1833), p. 19.
  16. Glasgow University Archives, Blackhouse Charters, GUA BL/204, formerly GUA 16403, instrument dated 28 April 1506; catalogue description.
  17. Liber Collegii Nostre Domine, pp. 85–86, act dated 2 May 1527, and pp. 90–91, act dated 20 February 1528/29; St Andrew prebend rental, p. 36, confirmed 3 June 1542 and transumed 8 January 1548/49; Renwick, Abstracts of Protocols, vol. IV, protocols 1201 and 1233, 17 February 1534/35 and 16 March 1535/36; vol. III, protocols 805 and 809–810, 28 October and 16 November 1564.
  18. M. Livingstone, ed., Registrum Secreti Sigilli Regum Scotorum, vol. I (Edinburgh, 1908), no. 3412, 2 July 1526; Liber Collegii Nostre Domine, pp. 90–91, act dated 20 February 1528/29; Renwick, Abstracts of Protocols, vol. IV, protocol 1058, 28 February 1530/31.
  19. Robert Renwick, ed., Abstracts of Protocols of the Town Clerks of Glasgow, vol. IV, protocol 1196, printed p. 72, 31 December 1534; protocol 1233, 16 March 1535/36; vol. III, protocol 805, printed p. 57, 28 October 1564.
  20. Renwick, Abstracts of Protocols, vol. III, protocol 748, 13 May 1563; protocol 847, 24 August 1565; vol. VII, protocol 2189, printed p. 110, 17 June 1575.
  21. Renwick, Abstracts of Protocols, vol. III, protocols 795 and 847, 9 June 1564 and 24 August 1565; vol. IX, protocol 2903, printed p. 103, 15 July 1586, and protocol 2916, printed p. 107, 1 September 1586.
  22. Renwick, Abstracts of Protocols, vol. XI, protocol 3492, printed pp. 86–87, 13 November 1598; Glasgow High Kirk baptisms: Margaret Glasgow, 6 May 1610, ScotlandsPeople parish 644/1, volume 1/233; Archibald Glasgow, lawful son of George Glasgow and Margaret Stewart, 19 June 1614, parish 644/1, volume 1/1329; Findmypast transcript, record R_693724617; and Barbara Glasgow, 21 October 1617, parish 644/1, volume 1/2353; James R. Anderson, ed., Burgesses & Guild Brethren of Glasgow, 1573–1750 (Scottish Record Society, 1925), p. 61, 25 November 1624, and p. 86, 18 July 1633.
  23. Renwick, Abstracts of Protocols, vol. VIII, protocol 2431, printed pp. 56–58, 25 June 1582; digitised edition.
  24. Renwick, Abstracts of Protocols, vol. I, protocol 84, 21 May 1551, and protocol 205, 31 January 1554/55; vol. II, protocols 307, 401–403 and 544–546, 1556–1560; vol. VI, protocol 1615, printed p. 5, 15 February 1568/69, and protocols 1903–1904, 12 February 1572/73; vol. VII, protocol 2002, 19 December 1573, and protocol 2125, 7 February 1574/75.
  25. James R. Anderson, ed., Burgesses & Guild Brethren of Glasgow, 1573–1750 (Scottish Record Society, 1925), p. 24.
  26. National Records of Scotland, Glasgow Commissary Court, CC9/7/5, images 82–83, testament of Jonet Meik; CC9/7/9, images 142–145, testament of Niniane Glasgw, made 10 January 1613 and confirmed 8 May 1613. The family readings are from the maintained working transcription; damaged wording remains unquoted.
  27. Renwick, Abstracts of Protocols, vol. I, protocol 84, printed p. 31, 21 May 1551, and protocol 205, 31 January 1554/55; protocol 2241, 1575; digitised edition.
  28. Renwick, Abstracts of Protocols, vol. II, protocols 525–526, 1559/60; vol. V, protocol 1559, printed p. 93, 13 May 1567; vol. VII, protocol 2002, 19 December 1573.
  29. Renwick, Abstracts of Protocols, vol. III, protocols 719, 748, 805, 809–810 and 847; vol. IV, protocol 1196; vol. VII, protocol 2189; vol. IX, protocols 2903 and 2916.
  30. Renwick, Abstracts of Protocols, vol. I, protocols 183–184, printed p. 63, 10 May 1554; Sanderson, “People of Sixteenth Century Ayrshire,” p. 331; Anderson, Burgesses & Guild Brethren, admission of John Mathie, 8 February 1582/83; Inquisitionum ad Capellam Domini Regis Retornatarum, vol. II, tutory retours 100–101, 20 January 1607, underlying NRS register C22/3.
  31. National Records of Scotland, GD39/5/59, 9 February 1571, and GD39/1/59, 28 January 1549; Margaret H. B. Sanderson, “The People of Sixteenth Century Ayrshire”, Ayrshire Collections, vol. XIV, no. 8 (1987), appendix, pp. 331, 333; Registrum Magni Sigilli Regum Scotorum, vol. V, no. 324, pp. 104–105, charter dated 9 February 1580.
  32. Margaret H. B. Sanderson, “The People of Sixteenth Century Ayrshire”, Ayrshire Collections, vol. XIV, no. 8 (1987), appendix, pp. 331, 333; National Records of Scotland, GD39/5/59, 9 February 1571.
  33. National Records of Scotland, Glasgow Commissary Court, CC9/7/4, images 6–7, testament dative and inventory of Katherine Glasgow, wife of Thomas Weir; original register working transcription. The manuscript confirmation day appears [26?] May 1605, while Francis J. Grant's printed calendar and Findmypast SCOT/WILLS/057453 give 9 May; see the detailed record page.
  34. National Records of Scotland, Edinburgh Commissary Court, CC8/8/5, images 276–277, testament dative of Johne Glasgw; marginal date 4 May 1577; published index, p. 109.
  35. National Records of Scotland, Papers of Lord Torphichen, GD119/193, 2 July 1526; Registrum Secreti Sigilli, vol. I, no. 3412; Registrum Magni Sigilli, vol. IV, no. 739, p. 164, 19 December 1552; National Records of Scotland, Edinburgh Commissary Court, CC8/8/32, images 123–124, testament of Andro Glasgw, confirmed 10 July 1598, and CC8/8/8, images 355–356, testament of Margaret Glasgow, confirmed 8 November 1580.
  36. Francis J. Grant, ed., Register of Apprentices of the City of Edinburgh, 1583–1666, Scottish Record Society 28 (1906), p. 71, entries for Archibald, 23 October 1639, and James, 16 June 1641; Great Britain Record Commission, Inquisitionum ad Capellam Domini Regis Retornatarum... Abbreviatio, vol. II, Inquisitiones Generales, no. 3278, 1 May 1647, digitised volume; Charles B. Boog Watson, ed., Roll of Edinburgh Burgesses and Guild-Brethren, 1406–1700, p. 208, entry for James, 20 June 1649; Watson, ed., Register of Edinburgh Apprentices, 1666–1700, p. 37, entry for Robert, 24 January 1672; Findmypast, Scotland, Burgess & Guild Brethren Index, Robert Glasgow, merchant, burgess and guild brother, 16 January 1684.
  37. Francis J. Grant, ed., The Commissariot Record of Lanark: Register of Testaments, 1595–1800 (Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society, 1903), p. 38; National Records of Scotland, CC14/5/5, testament of John Glasgow, confirmed 27 May 1650, and CC14/5/12, testament of John Glasgow, confirmed 25 March 1685.
  38. National Records of Scotland, Glasgow Commissary Court, CC9/7/27, register pages 478–480, testament dative of John Glasgow, sailor in Saltcoats within Ardrossan parish; working transcription of the original manuscript.
  39. John H. Thomson, ed., A Cloud of Witnesses, appendix, prisoner list under “Parish of Cavers”, PDF p. 646. The appendix marks wreck survivors with an asterisk.
  40. Ulster-Scots Agency, The Covenanters in Ulster, account of James Young.
  41. Kilbirnie Parish, Church of Scotland, Old Parish Register of banns and marriages, John Glasgow and Jeane Cunynghame, 14 January 1690, National Records of Scotland, parish 596, reference 10/9.
  42. Hew Scott, Fasti Ecclesiae Scoticanae, new ed., vol. III (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1920), pp. 102–103, digitised volume; James Paterson, History of the County of Ayr, vol. II, pp. 252–253.
  43. National Records of Scotland, RH15/120/178, letter from Robert Glasgow at Paddockholm to his brother James Glasgow, 22 November 1722.
  44. James Dobie, Examination of the Claim of John Lindsay Crawfurd (1831), pp. 102–106; NRS RH15/120/178.
  45. Simon D. Smith, “Slavery's heritage footprint: links between British country houses and St Vincent plantations, 1814–1834”, in Madge Dresser and Andrew Hann, eds., Slavery and the British Country House (English Heritage, 2013), p. 62; digitised volume; James Paterson, History of the County of Ayr, vol. II, pp. 252–253.
  46. 1641 Depositions Project, examination of Con O'Sheale, 21 April 1653, item 42821; Public Record Office of Northern Ireland, hearth-money rolls T/307/A, 1669, transcription, entries 5347–5348 and 5730; Classon Porter, “Congregational Memoirs: Larne and Kilwaughter,” The Christian Unitarian, vol. 2 (1863), pp. 409–414, and vol. 3 (1864), pp. 15–19, 196–198, 379–380; PRONI Connor Diocesan Wills index, James Glasgow of Kilwater, 1727. Argyll Estates Archives, GB 3452 ARG-04-03-67-78, “Various accounts and receipts,” 1666–1678, catalogue p. 149.
  47. Registry of Deeds, Ireland, vol. 105, p. 301, memorial 74015, deed dated 13 February 1738, abstract; PRONI MIC/1B/6, Kilwaughter congregation records, used through the archived derivative chronology; 1817 equity complaint, sworn answer and amended answer, derivative transcriptions of the South Carolina proceedings.
  48. W. Macafee, 1740 Religious Returns for Ulster, entries 1195 and 1272, PDF p. 119; Registry of Deeds memorial 57951, Inishrush lease dated 29 March 1734, abstract; Belfast News-Letter, 14 April 1772, Inishrush declaration of 6 April, transcript; John Glasgow family register, McKeown family-Bible transcription, Drimbolg church history and 1847 family letter; William Melanchthon Glasgow, History of the Glasgow Family (Baltimore, 1888).
  49. W. Macafee, 1740 Religious Returns for Ulster, entries 14391, 14393, 14466 and 14571, PDF p. 119; National Archives of Ireland, IHP/1/665, 1766 Derryloran religious return; Representative Church Body Library, Derryloran Parish Register, vol. 1, p. 3, baptism of James Glasgow, son of William and Mary, 21 August 1799.
  50. Public Record Office of Northern Ireland, original registered will of Daniel Glasgow of Kilrea, proved 1871; marriage of Daniel Neely Glasgow, 28 June 1888; National Archives of Ireland, 1851 Lisnagaver household 35; marriage of Robert Glasgow and Jane Graham, 5 April 1866; 1871 Scotland census index, Robert Glasgow household, Glasgow.
  51. FamilySearch, Ireland Births and Baptisms, index entries for Margaret Glasgow and Thomas Glasgow; underlying register images not inspected.
  52. W. Macafee, North Antrim Tithe Applotment data, Rasharkin entries for Alexander and Robert Glasgow at Lisnagaver, 1834; National Archives of Ireland, 1851 census, Lisnagaver house 34, house 35 and house 37; Griffith's Valuation for Rasharkin; General Register Office of Ireland, marriage of John Glasgow and Margaret Garvin, 16 November 1846; PRONI valuation-revision books VAL/12/B/4/16A–C.
  53. 1851 census of Ireland, Lisnagaver household 35; civil marriage of Robert Glasgow and Jane Graham, 5 April 1866; 1871 Scotland census index, Robert Glasgow household, Glasgow.
  54. Tristan da Cunha Government, “A Growing Community, 1817–1853”; British Library, Add MS 43846.
  55. UCL, Legacies of British Slavery, Dr. Robert Glasgow and Robert Glasgow late Robertson, consulted 10 September 2026. Published research citing a transcription of the 1803 trust and SC6/44/4 (the successor entry specifies SC6/44/4/1); original deed not inspected in this review. The Emilia/Amelia identity and suggested relationships of the enslaved household remain under review.
  56. Charles R. Holloman, “Glasgow, James”, Dictionary of North Carolina Biography; NCpedia, “Greene County”.
  57. Ralph Harry, “Glasgow, Sir Thomas William (1876–1955)”, Australian Dictionary of Biography.
  58. The Pulitzer Prizes, Ellen Glasgow, 1942 Novel winner.
  59. FamilyTreeDNA Glasgow Project, public Y-DNA results; ancestor labels are research starting points and do not themselves prove the submitted pedigrees.
  60. FamilyTreeDNA Discover, R-FT25406 and R-FT20271, estimates recorded 6 September 2026. Values may change with testing and platform revisions.

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